Thursday, June 6, 2013

Book Review: Bollywood Baddies

The men we love to hate

Would popular Hindi cinema have been quite as colourful, engaging and full of high drama without the nefarious nudging of its dreaded villains? The answer to that question is an obvious no. “Villains are the unsung heroes of Bollywood cinema, just in case the notion of heroism is extended to imply everything that is both moral and immoral, virtue and vice spun together,” the author of the book under review writes. Indeed, a hero wouldn’t be as grand as, say, the invisible do-gooder protagonist of Mr. India if he did not have a comic-book Mogambo to reckon with, or as engaging as Jai and Veeru of Sholay without a law-unto-himself Gabbar Singh lurking around them menacingly? Why, then, has it taken so inordinately long for a socio-cultural analysis of the role of villainy in Mumbai’s cinematic landscape to be attempted? But better late than never.

This comprehensive study of villainy in Hindi cinema by Tapan K Ghosh, former head of the department of English, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, is by no means the last word on the subject. In fact, no book about the villains of the Mumbai movies can ever hope to sum up the entire story, given how vast and multi-layered it is. The author comes close to accomplishing the impossible.

Bollywood Baddies: Villains, Vamps and Henchmen in Hindi Cinema, while only a beginning, is certainly a much-needed addition to the exploration of an important aspect of the imagination of Mumbai’s commercial filmmakers that has, down the years, dictated the broad parameters of the good versus evil formula, inspired no doubt by the nation’s epics.

This book will definitely serve as a relaible launchpad for any film scholar who desires to conduct a further probe into the phenomena that the likesof  Gabbar Singh and Mogambo were and will always be.

Ghosh covers a lot of ground in terms of specific films and characters that have defined villainy in Mumbai cinema, ranging from the exploitative zamindar Harnam Singh (Murad) in Bimal Roy’s neo-realist Do Bigha Zameen to the reprehensible, bloodthirsty cretin Kancha Cheena (Sanjay Dutt) in the no-holds-barred 2012 version of Agneepath, made two decades after the original film in which Danny Denzongpa played the evil character.

Bollywood Baddies starts, of course, with the negative character – the anti-hero – that Ashok Kumar played in 1943’s Kismet, and then goes on to trace the evolution of screen villainy in the context of the socio-political and economic concerns of a newly independent nation, and in that of the changing landscape thereafter.

That, as is pretty obvious, is a wide spectrum to cover, and the portraits that the author etches, though often shot through with startling insight, are not consistently absorbing. Not that the failing in question takes anything away from the overall triumph of the book.

Ghosh places the villains in three distinct periods of Hindi cinema – the 50s and 60s, Sholay and the 1970s, and the 1980s and after – and places them in the social environment of the times that they represented. From Lala Sukhiram in Mother India to the Shakespeare-inspired Langda Tyagi in Omkara, the villain has assumed innumerable forms but he has, in adherence to classic theatrical forms, always stayed within a formulaic narrative construct aimed at accentuating the heroism of the protagonist.

He notes that in the 1970s, the villain became so powerful that the hero – specifically the angry young man persona portrayed by Amitabh Bachchan – had no time for romance, song and dance and other diversions. He also suggests that Bachchan’s foray into the lighter roles like the one he played in Amar Akbar Anthony only a couple of years after Sholay were a direct reaction to the “wounds Gabbar Singh had left”.

The 1980s onwards, and especially in the 1990s, the Hindi movie heroes began to mimic the villain in many ways as over-the-top characterizations began to reflect the chaotic moral compass of society at large. The emergence of the anti-hero (who can traced back to Kismet’s suave Shekhar), Ghosh argues, stemmed this change.

The author rounds off the book with write-ups on the actors who played villains, vamps and henchmen over the years and a lowdown on a few of the most memorable baddies in Mumbai cinema history. All the names that you expect to encounter in a book on villains – Kanhaiyalal, Pran, Ajit, Prem Chopra, Amrish Puri – are all here. But also in the mix are those that played second fiddle – the henchmen (Shetty, Jeevan, Bob Christo) and the vamps (Lalita Pawar, Shashikala, Nadira, Bindu).


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Time to jockey

Regional satraps sense a big opportunity in elections 2014 and believe this is the right time to change partners. The spectre of new coalitions looms large. Pramod Kumar and Ranjit Bhushan report.

Last week in Lucknow, on the 103rd birth anniversary of Socialist icon Ram Manohar Lohia, Samajwadi Party (SP) supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav, caused a huge ripple. He defined BJP leader and his former bete noir LK Advani as an `honest leader’ and a man of principles. His comments came two days after cousin and SP Rajya Sabha MP Ram Gopal Yadav had certified the NDA to be better managers of coalition politics than the UPA.

So is Mulayam moving closer to the BJP? Consider the Yadav chieftain's position: Here is a man who built his politics in the dusty bowls of UP on a stridently anti-BJP platform, opposing its Ramjanmabhoomi politics like no other political party did two decades ago. Mulayam’s robust opposition to the demolition of the Babri Masjid through 1990-91, when large swathes of UP were under a saffron siege,   earned him the goodwill of the state’s sizable Muslim community – a goodwill that continues till date and best exemplified in the 2012 assembly elections rout of his arch rival Mayawati and the decimation of national  parties. His association with BJP leader Kalyan Singh during the 2004 General Elections had proved costly when the Muslim vote bank had deserted him in large numbers, bringing down the SP tally to 14. So did it make sense now to build bridges with Advani, a man Mulayam wanted arrested when the BJP stalwart rode triumphantly on his contentious rath yatra in 1990?

Yet, there is a method in this madness. Mulayam’s recent utterances are potent enough signs that he now wants to get away from the UPA as soon as possible. The idea to throw off the Congress yoke was always a yearning for him; the momentum towards doing that has been provided by the DMK which decided to walk out on the Congress during its toughest hour.

That regional parties are buoyant about their prospects for the 2014 General Elections is more than clear. If they could have their way, they would hold the polls today. National parties are, however, more circumspect about the polls, best illustrated in repeated Congress assertions, first by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and later Finance Minister P Chidambaram, that UPA 2 will last out its full term and that polls will be held not before they are due.

Union Minister Kapil Sibal drove home that point when he told reporters this week, “what is their (regional parties’) hurry to hold elections and come to power. Dilli abhi door ast (Delhi is a long way away). They may think they hold the aces, but we know better.’’


What then is the burst of adrenalin currently experienced by regional parties – the JD (U) in Bihar, DMK in Tamil Nadu, SP in UP, Trinamool in West Bengal and NCP in Maharashtra - of going it alone. It is not that they are under any optical illusion of forming the next government on their own strength; they simply do not have the numbers. But they are quite willing, at the moment, to break the rules of the game and emerge, if possible, as major players in any future alliance. If it means tampering with sensitive issues like pre and post-poll alliances, which the two national parties are understandably not too keen to probe at the moment, then be it so.


SP's Ram Gopal Yadav told TSI, “Results of the next elections will be a shocker and in such a situation the SP will have an important role to play. There can be no secular government in place without us. We will get the numbers in UP which will make it impossible to ignore us.’’

Why are the regional parties pumped up? A closer look will reveal that their optimism is based entirely on caste considerations, startling chutzpah and rank opportunism. Mulayam’s charge that the Congress is doing nothing for the minorities except lip service is aimed at underlining the SP control over the 19 percent minority vote bank, something which came good for them in the 2012 UP assembly elections. Will the trend repeat itself in a general election remains the big question, giving way to the current jockeying for positions.

While supporting the UPA government at the centre for the last nine years, the SP is basically an anti-Congress, anti-BJP formation. Which is why their leaders constantly maintain that post 2014 elections, a Third Front opposed to both the national parties, will come into being. Even so, the SP supremo has not thought it fit to part ways with the Congress; Yadav has praised Advani and is talking to Left leaders, as well as liaise with Sharad Pawar and NCP, all in a day’s work.

The SP has already declared the names of 66 party candidates for the 80 Lok Sabha seats in UP. SP national secretary Rajesh Chaturvedi told this magazine that the party is trying for a three-fold increase in its vote share. Ambitious, but the SP is quite prepared to gird up its loins for the battle ahead.

In these difficult times for the Congress, the way in which the BSP has stood by it, suggests that party supremo Mayawati may now ask for a quid pro quo for its unstinting support. Winner of 21 seats in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the BSP can count wholly on its Dalit vote bank but most observers believe that the party is more inclined towards state politics rather than the centre. Party insiders believe that while relations are sound with the Congress, the BSP favours equal distance with both the SP and BJP.


Mayawati’s recent meeting with Sharad Pawar is just a delicate hint that she would be willing to support a ‘secular’ regional parties-backed formation at the centre. Says a BSP leader, who does not want to be quoted ,“Behenji (Mayawati) is playing her cards close to her chest. She will reveal it when the time comes. Once the Modi dust settles down and every political player has had his or her say, then she will come out. Her lack of access to the media means that her political moves are largely under cover. That does not make her any less of a player.’’

Political movers in the capital suggest that Sharad Pawar too fancies his chances as Prime Minister and is in the midst of some hectic deal making. In these last nine years, he has managed to establish the NCP as a serious player capable of holding his own in the company of Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh and other Congress stalwarts. In addition, Pawar has sewn up an alliance with Laloo  Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan to take on Nitish and with ‘smaller brother’ Mulayam in UP; he has personal equations with K Karunanidhi and Chandra Babu Naidu and even Naidu’s archrival Jagan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh.

Says NCP leader and Union Minister Praful Patel: “Sharad Pawar is the right man to lead the next government. He has the desired experience and credibility. He will be most acceptable to all allies. ’’

Pawar has good equations with regional leaders and his age, seniority and moderate image will make him an acceptable candidate for many contestants. That certainly cannot be said about a number of other players currently active on the electoral chess board.


In what is becoming a demonic race to secure vote banks and alliances cutting across the regional divide, no one is taking any chances. In Bihar, Nitish Kumar is using the development card to deadly affect in combination with his Kurmi, Most Backward Caste (MBC) and Muslim vote bank. The main reason for his antipathy to BJP’s star campaigner Narendra Modi is rooted in his quest for the significant 15 percent minority vote bank in Bihar. That, Nitish believes, will give him the leverage required to make a difference at the centre when the times comes.

Observers believe that a man of Nitish’s political savvy has trained his guns on a special status for Bihar mainly for political reasons. While there can be no doubt that the state needs financial assistance, an upgraded status for Bihar could end up including other Bimaru states as well under that specific category. In political terms, it would mean additional clout for Nitish, who too has his eyes trained on potential allies from the Hindi belt to bolster his claims for the top job. Understandably therefore, he has so far refrained from making any commitment and is in no tearing hurry to show his hand.

Armed with the best CM status, Nitish’s domination of JD(U) is so complete that even party president Sharad Yadav has been reduced to being a mere bystander. The Bihar Chief Minister has even put question marks against Sharad Yadav’s chairmanship of the NDA. He is reportedly keen to invite Sonia and Manmohan to inaugurate a number of development projects in the state and has virtually declined to let LK Advani do the honours, despite Yadav's best efforts. Predicts Sharad Yadav, a trifle blandly, “the economic policies of the UPA government will force voters into our camp.’’

It is not as if Laloo Yadav is not drawing big crowds at his public meetings but it is his inability turn this audience into a vote bank, which is pulling the RJD strongman down. By now both he and Ram Vilas Paswan have realised that it will be difficult to push Nitish around because his development slogan has pushed the caste-based equations of the RJD and Paswan out of the window. So what best except to team up with an outside ally like Sharad Pawar to check out if any of the old Congress muscle in Bihar could be rejuvenated.

Even though Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh has announced that the party will declare the names of its candidates a year in advance, insiders who know say that all decisions in the party will be taken at the last minute. At the moment, India's oldest party is gearing up its poll strategy, determined to take on Narendra Modi or who ever comes in its quest for a third consecutive term.
A high-level Rahul Gandhi-led Congress team (or a war room) which includes Jairam Ramesh, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Salman Khurshid, Digvijay Singh and three dozen small and middling leaders, have been co opted for this exercise. While UP, as can be expected, is its top priority, Punjab, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Odisha and Karnataka are its tier-two preferences. In these states, reports by observers who were sent there three months ago, are currently on the discussion table.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Monday, June 3, 2013

Keeping a fine balance

Why is Pakistan afraid of India helping Afghanistan?

Pakistan has always hyperactive in pre-empting any effort on the part of India to become cosy with Afghanistan. Perhaps, it feels that it is its prerogative to wield influence among other Muslim countries in the South Asian neighbourhood.

Though Pakistan and Afghanistan share umblical and historical bonds that go back many hundreds of years, the former still gets deeply uncomfortable at seeing ties between India and Afghanistan grow. What is it about India-Afghanistan relations that sticks in Pakistan’s craw? is it afraid that growing Indian influence in Afghanistan will undermine and erode the fraternal ties that bind Pakistan and Afghanistan?

Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai, has already embraced India in his circle friends. At the same time he has been careful about not infuriating Pakistan. Much of it was in evidence when Karzai signed on  the Strategic Partnership Agreement with India in 2011. “Pakistan is our twin brother, India is a great friend. The agreement we signed with our friend will not affect our brother,” he had said after signing the document. Karzai, in fact, has maintained a delicate and fine balance in the region by keeping Pakistan in good humour and not letting India's growing co-operation with his country to affect its deep-rooted ties with Pakistan.

Karzai needs both India’s resources and Pakistan’s strategic support to keep a tight leash on the Taliban and other terror groups operating in his country. In this context, it is in his best interest to play the two against each other even as both the countries vie to secure a larger share in Afghanistan’s future. And like an astute politician, he has been playing his moves with the dexterity of a fine chess player,  making sure that Afghanistan continues to reap the benfits of good bilateral relationship with both India and Pakistan.

However, Pakistan knows that it cannot compete with India eventually because of the latter’s far superior economic strength. How can a nation whose own existence is based upon the oxygen of foreign aid expect to keep a tight rein on the policies of another country merely by blackmailing tactics over the long run? India is already the fourth-largest financial donor for Afghanistan with a contribution of over $2 billion by the end of 2011, which is only behind that of the US, Germany and Japan. However, in the short term, Pakistan can play with its strategic card of firewalling India’s efforts of integrating Afghanistan with South Asia, which has strategic interest for Delhi. It can do so by influencing the US to keep Delhi on the sidelines in return for backing the American bet to curb terrorism in the region.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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